Since it was first published in 1859, John Stuart Mill’s essay ‘On Liberty’ has become a standard reference for campaigners against censorship, authoritarianism, suppression of dissent and the right to freely express opinions and question dogma (free speech,) and other political or religious constraints on freedom whether political, social, religious, academic or interpersonal. A century and a half after his death, Mill’s argument on behalf of an “atmosphere of freedom”, limited only when words or actions result in harm, has become the central pillar of the liberal thinking.
Yet while Mill’s essay was intended to be a defence of the necessary conditions for a liberal society, today it is more likely to be self-described conservatives who are most likely to invoke its arguments.
Ironically while conservatives, traditional supporters of the rule of law, loyalty to the three Fs (family, faith and flag,) and asdherence to the narratives of state and church, today it seems the conservatives have moved to the left to occupy the void created by liberal and socialist groups embracing the principle of the pensée unique, the French concept of a single thought or idea to which all must pay lip service even if they do not necessarily agree.
If it was the free-thinkers in the Victorian era whom Mill was defending against oppression by religious traditionalists (the Thought Police of the era,) today the situation is the opposite. Conservatives and “classical liberals” of various stripes today regularly invoke Mill as a refutation against the oppressiveness of liberals and progressives.
[We should] go back to John Stuart Mill,” an american religious conservative suggested last year. “Having legal protection for free, robust discourse in place is one thing, and it’s a very important thing, and it’s, as I say, a necessary thing, but it’s not sufficient. In addition to those legal norms protecting free speech, we need to build a culture of free speech.”
The progressives disagree of course: nobody should be allowed to challenge the doctrine of change, we must all accept the rewriting of history in a way that makes Africa the cradle of civilisation, the nursery of literature and the arts and the hub of scientific and technical progress rather than, respectively Mesopotamia, the eastern Mediterranean region and northern Europe. We must accept that such huge cultural figures as Michaelangelo, Shakespeare and Beethoven were black and other such nonsense or be ‘cancelled’ for being racist. We must accept the Islamification of secular Christian societies and support ‘open doors’ immigration policies, because stale, conservative, systemically racist old, whilte European societies need to be culturally revitalised by huge influxes of ignorant, illiterate, ineducable, unemployable mightants from third world shitholes.
We must understand the need for change and willingly accept the change imposed on us by cabals of university brainwashed Cultural Marxist, quasi – intellectual academics, we must celebrate rather than merely tolerate homosexuality. We must ‘follow the science’ on climate change, dysfunctional vaccines, adulteration of our food with toxic shite but not on the impossibility of a human changing sex.
Change is not progress, that is change for the better. /but that begs the question, “What do we mean by “better”?
Is “better” merely the opinion of the rich and powerful or the highly educated? If so, then why should we privilege the contrary opinions of a rival group over our own? Instead, we should engage in a contest of power against them. After all, if there is no transcendental standard of the good, why not choose a standard most congenial to our own natures and devise an ideology that glorifies it?
But what if there is an objective, transcendent good that may conflict with our own inclinations? If we choose to put the “I should” ahead of the “I want” (pace C.S.Lewis), then the wisdom of lived experience may be a surer guide than a library’s worth of books that try their best to evade the hard fact that, if we are to live as human beings rather than clever animals, we have to be willing to suffer ourselves into existence.
Just because the person-on-the-street can’t articulate why a particular custom is valuable, doesn’t mean that it isn’t. However, the first stage of decline is when a society does the right things, but does so blindly, no longer having a deep understanding of the universal principles that underlie a specific custom. As time passes and circumstances change, society can no longer apply those principles intelligently. Customs become inapt or they’re modified in a way that violates their spirit. At that point, the revolutionaries can plausibly claim that custom is mere unthinking conformity that unreasonably constrains behavior. Babies get thrown out with the bathwater; e.g. the norms that build strong families are tossed into the same bin as the abuses that sustain empires.
Progress is not the arrow of time, though it may seem that way because knowledge tends to increase and be retained over time, even allowing for “dark” ages (that turn out no to be so dark.) But knowledge isn’t wisdom. Think of the scene in “2001: A Space Odyssey” where the tossed club becomes an orbiting nuclear bomb.
The opposite to modern progressives is not traditionalism. Politics is not a dichotomy of either-or or ‘which side are you on’. Multiple forms of progress are possible, and we do need to reject a claimed progressive movement that has absolutist and anti-freedom roots as anti-progress.
The illiberalism of modern progressives doesn’t mean that other forms of progress are tainted by the same intolerences. It is possible to believe in progress – reduction in poverty, improved living standards, mutuality and tolerance, avoidance of war – without getting trapped by the segregationalist isms of the SJWs. It is possible to see that long-standing heuristics and principles can still have value and should be tested and retained, while still rejecting ritualism – a ritualism that is being increased by demanding deference to compelled speech and conformity of thought.
That is not to say that there is no traditionalist-versus-progressive argument going on. That is happening too. But Spain’s history of progressives versus traditionalists shows us what happens when the middle ground is denied, and it is precisely a middle of tolerance, fraternity, equality, fairness and freedom that we should seek to defend.
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